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Vol. 71
Date:
2011-3
Softcover:250 TWD
Price:
未出版
Pages:
215
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0
Size:
16 K
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Abstract:
This issue contains four articles: " Between the Left and the Right: The Guomindang and Guangdong Merchants during the First United Front, 1924-1925", by Li Ta-chia; "The Tianli Sect Incident and the Transformation of Cultural Policy in the Mid-Qing: Research Concentrating on the Jiaqing Period ", by Zhang Ruilong ; " Demographic Structures and Ethnic Relations in Wuniulan Village during the Japanese Colonial Era ", by Chiu Cheng-lueh‧Paul R. Katz. " “Huaqiao” Narratives and Political Alliances of Urban Chinese-Australian Communities in the Early Twentieth Century ", by Kuo Mei-fen. Book Review: " Zhang Sheng, The Housing Crisis in Modern Shanghai " by Li Kai-kuang, " Mark Harrison, Legitimacy, Meaning, and Knowledge in the Making of Taiwanese Identity" by Chen Sheng-ping
Contents
Articles
Between the Left and the Right: The Guomindang and Guangdong Merchants during the First United Front, 1924-1925
[Abstract]
Li Ta-chia
PDF
1
As a result of the repeated failure of his revolutionary efforts, Sun Yat-sen decided to borrow from the Soviet Union’s successful experience. But his advocacy of a total revolution by the whole people was essentially contradictory to the proletarian revolution of Soviet Union. After the Guomindang (KMT) reorganized and began to admit members of the Chinese Communist Party, they gained considerable power within the KMT and were able to influence its political line, which gave rise to an eruption of ideological contradiction. Within the KMT, controversies erupted between the left and the right, and in society conflicts emerged between merchants and workers. By this time Guangdong merchants were already in a state of discontent with the revolutionary government, because they had been subjected to a range of severe harassments stemming from levies imposed by both the government and visiting armies. After its reorganization, the KMT headquarters established peasants’ and workers’ bureaus, but lacked any corresponding merchants’ bureau. Its propaganda and policy were biased toward the peasantry and workers to the neglect of merchants, which caused the latter to suspect the KMT of promoting communism. As far this point is concerned, the conflict between merchant militia and the government was based on both ideological differences and practical fears. As well the left and the right within the KMT and the CCP all engaged actively in the conflict, in a struggle for revolutionary leadership. The right cultivated the power of merchants and promoted party organizational reform, while the left established an additional bureau of merchants in its fight against the right. The establishment of this bureau by the KMT headquarters was on the one hand a measure to pacify merchants in the wake of the conflict with merchant militia, while on the other hand it implied a conflict of revolutionary line. However, although the left established a merchants’ bureau, it had no clear plan as to how to define the status of merchants in a revolutionary program based primarily on the peasantry and workers. Not until the second plenary conference of national representatives of the KMT, was a merchants’ movement adopted as party policy. But owing to the fundamental contradictions between the two ideologies and revolutionary lines of the KMT and the CCP, the issues surrounding merchants were to constantly reappear without resolution.
Keyword
:Sun Yat-sen, Guomindang, Chinese Communist Party, merchants, merchant militia
The Tianli Sect Incident and the Transformation of Cultural Policy in the Mid-Qing: Research Concentrating on the Jiaqing Period
[Abstract]
Zhang Ruilong
PDF
51
Impelled by the Tianli Sect Incident of the 18th year of Emperor Jiaqing’s reign, which convulsed both the government and the public, the Qing government began to reflect on issues concerning folk customs and elite practices. This article focuses on a lacuna in present Sinological research, namely the cultural policy of the Jiaqing period, since there is a missing link between the evidential studies of the Qianlong and Jiaqing periods and the rise of neo-Confucianism in the Daoguang and Xianfeng periods. On this basis, this article points out that the Qing government under Jiaqing’s early reign, influenced by the academic partiality of Zhugui and Emperor Jiaqing himself, continued to support the evidential studies program advocated since the late Qianlong period; at the same time, the government relaxed the literary inquisition policies of the Yongzheng and Qianlong periods, which had suppressed intellectual activity. It was the Tianli Sect Incident that then induced the Qing government to turn to neo-Confucianism and criticize evidential studies. This move had far-reaching impact upon the later development of scholarship during the Qing. This article thus constitutes a case study of the impact of political events upon cultural policy.
Keyword
:Tianli Sect Incident, cultural policy, mid-Qing, history of Qing scholarship
Demographic Structures and Ethnic Relations in Wuniulan Village during the Japanese Colonial Era
[Abstract]
Chiu Cheng-lueh‧Paul R. Katz
PDF
89
This article attempts to enhance our understanding of ethnic relations in modern Taiwanese history by utilizing demographic records and other sources to explore the history of Wuniulan Village 烏牛欄庄 during the Japanese colonial era. Located on the western edge of the Puli 埔里 basin (in today’s Nantou 南投 County, central Taiwan), Wuniulan Village consisted of the three Plains Aborigine (pingpuzu 平埔族) communities known as Wuniulan 烏牛欄, Alishi 阿里史, and Damalin 大馬璘. Wuniulan Village was noteworthy for the size of its Plains Aborigine population (who remained a majority up to the end of colonial rule), as well as its venerable Presbyterian church. It was also home to the descendents of the Plains Aborigine elite Wang Qilin 望麒麟, who supported the Japanese during their occupation of Puli during the late 1890s. Our research examines Wuniulan Village’s historical development from the perspectives of demographic structures and ethnic relations. For the former topic, we developed a new computer database for compiling and analyzing data on marriages and adoptions preserved in colonial-era household registers and other demographic sources, which shed new light on local population patterns and ethnic structures. For the latter, we relied on a wide range of historical documents to trace the interaction among different ethnic groups in Wuniulan, as well as between Wuniulan and neighboring communities. We also paid close attention to the growth of this area’s elite families, as well as their role in its ethnic relations.
Keyword
:Wuniulan Village, household registers, adoption networks, marriage networks, ethnic relations
“Huaqiao” Narratives and Political Alliances of Urban Chinese-Australian Communities in the Early Twentieth Century
[Abstract]
Kuo Mei-fen
PDF
157
This article examines narratives of “Huaqiao” in Australia to trace how identity was preserved through new political alliances and nationalism. It argues that urbanization, the White Australia policy, and Chinese nationalism all constributed to Chinese-Australian identity in the early twentieth century. For Chinese-Australians, the term “Huaqiao” was adopted following the growth in hostility towards Chinese around 1904 and 1905. Urban Chinese specifically adopted the term “Huaqiao” as a self-reflexive label that located them in an international Chinese diasporic network, and at the same time offered a vantage point for pressing particular national claims in Australia. Chinese-language newspapers introduced styles of rhetoric and narrative that fed directly into processes of social mobilization and identity transformation under way in Federation Australia. Mobilizing in the name of the Chinese “Huaqiao” diaspora began to make sense as an alternative form of community politics and cultural nationalism after 1909. Politics provided a compelling language for imagining Chinese-Australian social networks, identities, and imageries, and for wider dreams of dignity, peace, and prosperity. Political rhetoric and narratives thus contributed to the uniting of Chinese-Australians. The alliance of the “Young China League” in 1911 on the eve of the Xinhai Revolution demonstrated that a consciouness of modernity and Australian experiences was constituting the historical consciousness of Chinese-Australians. This article thus shows that Chinese-Australian identity in the White-Australian period was more than merely a refinement of native kinship practices and inherited identities. The style of Chinese-Australian nationalism proclaimed in the local Chinese press was rooted in new historical narratives and modern models of political community.
Keyword
:Chinese-Australians, “Huaqiao,” urbanization, White Australia Policy, Chinese nationalism
Book Reviews
Zhang Sheng, The Housing Crisis in Modern Shanghai
Li Kai-kuang
PDF
203
Mark Harrison,
Legitimacy, Meaning, and Knowledge in the Making of Taiwanese Identity
Chen Sheng-ping
PDF
211
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