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Home
> Publications >
Bulletin
Vol. 118
ISBN:
1029-4740
Date:
2022-12
Softcover:250 TWD
Price:
未出版
Pages:
156
Vol.:
0
Size:
16 K
Other Ordering Methods:
SanMin
.
Agent List
Abstract:
This issue contains three articles: “Suppressing Bands of Outlaws and Safeguarding State Interests: The Japanese Government and South Manchurian Mounted Bandits, 1904-1922,” by Lin Hengfen; “Students, Political Parties, and Public Opinion in the May Fourth Movement: The Disinformation Affair of Fu Sinian and Luo Jialun,” by Zhao Shuai; “Soviet Elements in the Early Practice of Criticism and Self-Criticism in the Chinese Communist Party,” by Yu Miing-ling; Book Reviews: “Kim Hanbark,
An Era of Exile: The Qing Dynasty and Punishment
,” by Wang Tianchi; “Joseph W. Esherick,
Accidental Holy Land: The Communist Revolution in Northwest China
,” by Sheng Chaicai.
Contents
Articles
Suppressing Bands of Outlaws and Safeguarding State Interests: The Japanese Government and South Manchurian Mounted Bandits, 1904-1922
[Abstract]
Lin Hengfen
PDF
1
Before the Russians and the Japanese exerted their influence on Manchuria, the elimination of mounted bandits had been a priority of Chinese local governments. Current scholarship primarily focuses on the confrontation and cooperation between Japan and bandits in Manchuria. Instead, this article emphasizes governance and contributes to the study of Manchurian history by investigating how the Japanese government understood the problem of bandits in Manchuria, and how it safeguarded Japan’s state interests by suppressing these bands of outlaws under Japanese colonial rule. The Japanese mainly relied on their experience of suffering from attacks launched by bandits during the Russo-Japanese War, their investigation work, and rights granted in the Manchuria Convention (1905) to enrich their understanding of the bandits and formulate solutions to this crisis between 1904 and 1922. The Japanese enticed those bandits who did not threaten their existence to work for them, while to cope with those bandits who jeopardized their interests, the Japanese not only mobilized their troops, but also sought help from the Chinese authorities to arrest and punish these lawbreakers, and to ask for compensation, apologies and measures to deal with the aftermath. Although the Japanese military and police carried out many searches, these operations were largely unsuccessful. Japan therefore attributed the ineffectiveness of bandit suppression campaigns to Chinese failures. From the Japanese government’s perspective, maintaining their state interests in Manchuria and expanding Japanese influence in the world by coordinating with international bodies was more vital than the safety of Japanese expatriates. Therefore, Japan did not prioritize bandit eradication unless Japan’s interests were jeopardized. Following the trend of disarmament and China’s demand for treaty repudiation, Japan therefore reduced the number of troops stationed near the railway lines in order to preserve its rights in southern Manchuria.
Keyword
:mounted bandits, Russo-Japanese War, South Manchuria Railway garrison of the Kwantung Army, Japanese police, Washington Conference
Students, Political Parties, and Public Opinion in the May Fourth Movement: The Disinformation Affair of Fu Sinian and Luo Jialun
[Abstract]
Zhao Shuai
PDF
45
The May Fourth Movement saw rumors that two Peking University students, Fu Sinian and Luo Jialun, had been bribed by the Anfu Group to organize the resumption of classes, resulting in their expulsion from the Beijing Federation of Students. The rumor essentially originated from within the student association. Zhu Yi’e, a student at Peking University, had a personal grudge against Fu and Luo. His plans to go south as a student representative were repeatedly blocked by Fu and Luo. When he read the Beijing Daily’s report that the Anfu Group had invited students to organize a meeting to encourage the resumption of classes, he decided to frame Fu and Luo. The rumor then spread to Shanghai through the cooperation of Zhang Houzai and Xu Lingxiao. Fu and Luo, by virtue of their key positions in the Federation and their close ties with the Research Clique, used the name of the Beijing Federation to defend themselves and asked teachers and students at Peking University who knew them well, as well as figures in the Shanghai press, to clarify the matter, and even instructed others to spread false information about Zhu Yi’e. In the subsequent historical memory, Zhu, a great leader of the May Fourth Movement, gradually disappeared, while Fu and Luo became known as student leaders. The rumor about Fu and Luo was rooted in their cautious attitude towards the student strike. Later on, they called on students to stay out of politics and do their best in the “cultural movement” in an attempt to curb the student movement. However, there was already a tension between the cultural movement and the student movement, and students were given the new roles of “student politicians” and “student journalists” as they continued to intervene in social affairs and became the targets of political parties, thus torn between their studies and saving the country. The dispute between students’ personalities, the new faction and the old faction, the student strike and Resumption of Classes, and the partisanship were reflected in this disinformation affair.
Keyword
:May Fourth Movement, Research Clique, Anfu Group, Fu Sinian, Luo Jialun
Soviet Elements in the Early Practice of Criticism and Self-Criticism in the Chinese Communist Party
[Abstract]
Yu Miin-ling
PDF
89
The Chinese Communist Party claims that criticism and self-criticism is one of its three excellent work styles. It plays an important role in many political campaigns. So far there has been no thorough research on its ideas and practices, particularly on why criticism and self-criticism became a set phrase and how it was practiced in the Soviet Union and in the early stages of the CCP. The practices of criticism and self-criticism involved a complicated process from its initial operation to its more familiar later form. The contents of criticism and self-criticism varied in different political campaigns. In the beginning, what Lenin meant by “self-criticism” was to criticize “the Party,” not the self as an individual. However, “self” gradually came to refer to individuals, “oppositionists,” and bureaucrats involved in politics. During the Great Purges, criticism and self-criticism mainly targeted the individuals, and self-criticism transformed into self-unmasking and self-accusation. Lenin initially advocated self-criticism to encourage criticism of the Party by its members and the masses in order to improve Party work and to educate the masses at the same time. As time went on, however, criticism and self-criticism eventually became an important instrument to discipline Party members. When criticism and self-criticism was associated with political campaigns, it became a mighty weapon used by power-holders to persecute political opposition and to achieve political goals. Chinese students studying in the USSR introduced these Soviet elements to the CCP in China; this article mainly focuses on the 1920s-1930s, before the Yan’an period.
Keyword
:self-criticism, criticism and self-criticism, cleansing/purge, Soviet areas, communist party
Book Reviews
Kim Hanbark,
An Era of Exile: The Qing Dynasty and Punishment
Wang Tianchi
PDF
141
Joseph W. Esherick,
Accidental Holy Land: The Communist Revolution in Northwest China
Sheng Chaicai
PDF
149
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